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John Brown's raids in Kansas and at Harpers Ferry have cemented his legacy as a complex figure in American history. Labeling him solely as a terrorist oversimplifies the multifaceted nature of his campaigns against slavery. Brown's actions, particularly the Pottawatomie raid and the seizure of Harpers Ferry, were undeniably violent and resulted in loss of life. However, these acts were driven by a fervent opposition to the institution of slavery, which he viewed as a moral abomination against God's law. His strategic use of violence aimed at dismantling the infrastructure of slavery and provoking a broader insurrection among enslaved populations. The dichotomy of Brown's character—seen as a martyr by some and a fanatic or terrorist by others—highlights the profound divisions in antebellum America over the issue of slavery.

In both instances, Brown's actions were underpinned by a combination of moral imperatives and tactical considerations. The Pottawatomie raid was a direct response to pro-slavery forces' aggression, serving both as retaliation and a warning against further violence toward anti-slavery settlers. Conversely, the raid on Harpers Ferry was a calculated attempt to initiate an armed slave revolt, predicated on the belief that a significant uprising could effectively challenge and ultimately overturn the institution of slavery in the South. This event, although a failure in immediate objectives, succeeded in escalating tensions between the North and South, contributing significantly to the onset of the Civil War. Through these endeavors, Brown sought to manifest his vision of a society free from the shackles of slavery, using methods that, while controversial, underscored the desperation and urgency of the abolitionist cause.

Prelude to Rebellion

Born on May 9, 1800, John Brown's life was steeped in the rigidity of the Puritan faith and a zealous evangelical Christianity which instilled in him the idea that he was an instrument of divine will, destined to deliver a fatal blow to the institution of slavery. His passionate belief that he was fulfilling a "sacred obligation" propelled his nonpareil role amongst abolitionists—an operational ideology that exalted violence over peaceful protest as the necessary means to eradicate slavery in America.

Asserting that following the Golden Rule and the Declaration of Independence's assertion of human equality was tantamount to waging war against bondage, Brown's convictions left a significant footprint during the Bleeding Kansas crisis where he led and fought alongside anti-slavery volunteers, including his sons. Through events such as the Pottawatomie massacre and confrontations like the Battle of Black Jack, Brown's views on pacifism were clear: rhetoric was futile where action was demanded.

The night of 16 October 1859 was chosen for the bold incursion. Brown's posse, which included 22 men of variable backgrounds, stealthily advanced on Harpers Ferry with straightforward objectives. Their plan was to seize the federal armory, arsenal, and rifle factory, immediately deploy the armaments for an incipient slave rebellion, and use Harpers Ferry as a stronghold from which to emancipate and arm the enslaved population, encouraging them to join the insurrection.

 


Top photo: Painting by John Steuart Curry (1897–1946) titled "Tragic Prelude." The most famous of his finished murals is called, "Tragic Prelude," Curry's interpretation of John Brown and the anti-slavery movement in Kansas Territory. Rich in symbolism, the painting depicts a fierce John Brown holding a Bible in one hand and a rifle in the other. Curry's work is in the Kansas State Capitol building in Topeka, Kansas. Photo source: Harvey County Historical Museum. In the Public Domain.

Middle photo: Image of Harper's Ferry in 1862. The US armoury is shown with John Brown's fort to the left. Source: U.S. National Park Service. This image or media file contains material based on a work of a National Park Service employee, created as part of that person's official duties. As a work of the U.S. Federal Government, such work is in the public domain in the United States.

Bottom photo: A contemporary newspaper illustration showing the interior of the engine house immediately before the door is broken down by U.S. Marines. Note hostages on the left. Harper's Ferry insurrection - Interior of the Engine-House, just before the gate is broken down by the storming party - Col. Washington and his associates as captives, held by Brown as hostages. Source: This image is available from the United States Library of Congress's Prints and Photographs division under the digital ID cph.3c32541. In the Public Domain.


 

Harpers Ferry Raid

On Sunday, 16 October, Brown and his men initiated their raid on Harpers Ferry. This diverse group was composed of individuals from varied backgrounds including seasoned fighters from Kansas, escaped and free Black individuals, transcendentalists, students from Oberlin College, and young abolitionists embarked on their inaugural mission into activism. Among these were individuals whose ages ranged significantly; the youngest participant was only 18 years old, while the eldest, Dangerfield Newby, a 44-year-old escapee seeking to liberate his wife from enslavement, showcased the wide age range within Brown's ranks. John Brown, at 59, led this assembly, leaving three recruits behind in Maryland to oversee their stockpile of supplies and weaponry. The contingent that marched into Harpers Ferry consisted of 18 raiders — 13 whites and five blacks.

Upon their nocturnal arrival in Harpers Ferry, they swiftly took control of the federal armory, arsenal, and subsequently Hall's Rifle Works, an establishment producing firearms for the federal government. By severing the telegraph lines, they had essentially the opportunity to either mobilize the seized weaponry for an immediate slave uprising, potentially decimate the armory, or wreak havoc upon the town itself. However, Brown opted for an unexpected strategy; he remained inside the armory, presumably awaiting the arrival of enslaved individuals to join his cause — a development that unfortunately never materialized.

Instead, they found themselves besieged by local townspeople and farmers, who, despite likely lacking the means to overcome Brown and his men, effectively confined them within the armory. Attempts at negotiation by Brown were thwarted when his envoys, including his son Watson, were met with hostility and gunfire, despite approaching under a flag of truce. By October 18, the situation had turned dire for Brown and his followers; eight were either deceased or apprehended. That morning, militia forces from Virginia and Maryland, complemented by U.S. marines and soldiers dispatched by President James Buchanan and commanded by Brevet Colonel Lee, with Lt. J.E.B. Stuart immediately under him, converged on Harpers Ferry.

The climactic moment arrived as marines breached the engine house of the armory, resulting in the capture of Brown and several raiders, while the remainder met their demise. The aftermath of the raid was stark; of the 22 participants, ten were dead or severely injured, including Brown's sons Watson and Oliver, five were captured, including Brown himself. Seven initially managed to evade capture, though two were subsequently apprehended and extradited to Virginia for trial and execution. The remaining five, one of whom was Brown's son Owen, found refuge in Canada and the Northern United States, with all except Owen later enlisting in the Union Army during the Civil War.

12392067266?profile=RESIZE_584xTrials and Execution

Brown and those unable to flee were apprehended and held in the armory's office. The trials were expeditious. Brown, charged with inciting insurrection, was condemned on all counts, prominently becoming the first person executed for treason against a U.S. state. The botched uprising resulted in several of Brown’s confederates killed or later executed, and aside from minor slave escapes, most of the enslaved were repossessed by their captors.

The legal proceedings against John Brown were swift and decisive. After only a forty-five-minute deliberation, the jury reached a unanimous verdict, convicting Brown of treason against the Commonwealth of Virginia, the first such conviction in United States history up to that point. This unprecedented legal outcome precipitated a sentence of death by hanging, scheduled for December 2. The captured survivors of Brown's faction underwent trials of their own, all culminating in similar verdicts and subsequent executions.

In the final month before his execution, Brown adopted a proactive stance, seizing every opportunity to articulate his beliefs and motivations to a national audience. Through extensive conversations with visiting journalists and a prolific outpouring of letters—many of which were widely disseminated in the press—Brown solidified his ideological legacy. Notably, numerous schemes devised to liberate him from incarceration were foiled, indicating a significant level of popular and ideological support for Brown among certain segments of the populace.

Internationally renowned writer Victor Hugo extended an impassioned appeal for clemency towards Brown, a plea echoed across the Atlantic by both European and American media. Despite this, Brown himself eschewed the notion of pardon, a stance that only inflamed the anxieties of Southern political leaders, who envisioned a potential proliferation of insurrections inspired by Brown's example.

On the chilly morning of 2 December 1859, John Brown made his final earthly journey. Ascending the gallows seated upon his own coffin in a solemn procession, he embraced his fate with a composed dignity. Before his execution, Brown confided to his jailor a written statement, a powerful prognostication of the turbulent times ahead for the United States: “I, John Brown, am now quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but with blood. I had, as I now think, vainly flattered myself that without very much bloodshed it might be done.” Subsequently executed at 11:15 a.m., Brown’s demise did not mark the end but rather an immortalization of his cause and convictions. His remains were interred at his family's farm in North Elba, New York, an enduring symbol of his unwavering commitment to abolitionism. In the aftermath, the Brown family dispersed, leaving behind the burial ground as a sacred testament to their patriarch’s legacy. (Foote 2011, 32)

Aftermath

The repercussions of the raid on Harpers Ferry were vast and indelible. Southern slaveholders anxiously assuaged initial fears of a large-scale abolitionist fallout, yet the prospects of additional smaller uprisings catalyzed a reorganization of their reaching militias. This refurbished martial presence coalesced into the Confederate army, inadvertently providing the South with a martial vanguard at the onset of the Civil War.

Northern perceptions were fractured. Brown was simultaneously hailed as a Christ-like figure and vituperated as a maniac. The Republican Party, wary of the proximity to the pivotal 1860 elections, denounced Brown to eschew association whilst Southern Democrats inveighed against "the Black Republican Party" for tacitly endorsing his extremities.

12392067656?profile=RESIZE_584xMost white southerners, enraged by what they perceived as a direct affront to their sovereignty and honor, promptly branded John Brown a lunatic and a criminal. The reaction among northern whites to the raid on Harpers Ferry was initially mixed. A significant portion distanced themselves from Brown's violent methods and appeared indifferent to his objectives. Yet, prominent intellectuals from New England, including Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David Thoreau, emerged as staunch defenders of Brown's cause from the outset. “Theodore Parker pronounced Brown ‘not only a martyr but a SAINT.’ They inspired Ralph Waldo Emerson to prophesy that the old warrior would make the gallows as glorious as the cross.’” (McPherson 2003, 209)

Following Brown’s execution, narratives shifted, with many northerners eulogizing him as a martyr who laid the groundwork for emancipation within the United States. African Americans, throughout the North and South, lavishly praised John Brown. While some critiqued his violent tactics, they universally shared his overarching aim to eradicate slavery.

In the wake of the execution, congregations—spanning both colors—flocked to meetings and churches across the North, venerating Brown as a martyr. Yet, these expressions of sympathy and support were dwarfed by the sheer volume of Brown's northern critics. A sizeable faction of the North, largely indifferent to the moral quandaries of slavery, considered it a dilemma for white southerners to solve in isolation. Initial responses from abolitionist leaders, many of whom had steadfastly rejected the notion of violence, condemned Brown's raid as an unforgivable transgression that threatened to hamper their cause. The nascent Republican Party, founded in 1854 with the principal aim of preventing the spread of slavery into new territories—rather than its outright elimination where it already existed—sought to disavow any association with Brown.

In response to the pro-Brown rallies, northern businessmen with financial interests tied to the South's slave-based economy orchestrated sizable “Union meetings” in major cities such as Philadelphia, Boston, and New York City. These gatherings attracted thousands who collectively censured both Brown and his audacious act. It is ironic, then, that southerners devoted more attention to the abolitionist minority, inadvertently spotlighting the very voices they aimed to silence.

 

Bibliography

Bordewich, Fergus M. "John Brown's Day of Reckoning." Smithsonian Magazine. Accessed February 20, 2024. https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/john-browns-day-of-reckoning-139165084/.

Catton, Bruce. The Civil War. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2005.

Foote, Shelby. The Civil War Box Set: With American Homer; Reflections on Shelby Foote and His Classic the Civil War; A Narrative. New York: Random House, 2011.

McPherson, James M. Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.

"NARA Exhibit: American Originals, Part 2: Civil War and Reconstruction (1850-1877)." National Archives |. Last modified September 30, 1998. https://www.archives.gov/exhibits/american_originals/civilwar.html#brown

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